Blog VoxEurop

  • The Rome Manifesto: A vision for Europe

    24 March 2017

    Ahead of the celebrations for the 60th anniversary of the signature of the treaty of Rome, on 25 March, the German-Italian Centre for European Excellence Villa Vigoni and the non-profit association United Europe, a pro-European initiative headquartered in Hamburg organised a group of leading young European scholars and professionals who have put forward an ambitious proposal for the renewal of the European project.

    IN THE BELIEF that the European Union of today is unfit to face the major challenges of our time,

    IN ACKNOWLEDGEMENT that the European future is in the people’s hands,

    IN THE CONVICTION that European unity, rather than division, is the best way forward,

    we, as young Europeans, have come together 60 years after the signing of the Treaty of Rome to stand up for Europe.

    We believe that it is our duty as the next generation to contribute to the shaping of our common destiny, and we invite every European to join us in this endeavour.


    These are turbulent times. The world around us is changing quickly and often in contrast to what we expect. In Europe, too, extreme nationalism and xenophobia are on the rise, endangering the democratic values the generations before us fought to establish. European unity is under threat.

    We, the young generation, see it as our duty to not only uphold Europe’s legacy, but to strive for its urgent renewal. Our lives have been shaped by the ambitious project of a politically united Europe. We are the first generation released from the political divisions of the Cold War and from the harsh confrontation with our neighbours.

    We have experienced open borders and easy traveling, a single currency and common citizenship, education exchanges and new technologies, all of which have allowed us to meet other Europeans and concretely enhanced our conviction of belonging together.

    This is why with this Manifesto, we wish to set out how we see our future together: how our common identity is shaped; why we need European integration; how we can put people at the heart of the European project and what concrete institutions and procedures we propose for our European Federal Union.


    If we wish to live together in peace, prosperity and solidarity under one roof, we must understand what it means to be European: we can take pride both in our own country and feel at home in the rich diversity of other European countries, cities and regions. These components exist in harmony and are not mutually exclusive.

    “European identity is a mosaic, rich and colourful due to the diversity of its pieces.”

    European identity is a mosaic, rich and colourful due to the diversity of its pieces. This diversity cannot be lost without losing the essence of the mosaic itself. As the Greek myth of Europa shows, migration flows have always been a part of it, both challenging and enriching our identity. Everyone can be European regardless of one’s place of birth and can contribute to the shaping and to the future of the European project.

    Our identity is neither static nor monolithic; it evolves as we meet and speak with others. Being European means to be an active part of a broader community, facing common problems and embracing a common destiny.


    We do not need to learn to be Europeans, we just need to recognize that we already are. Our identity is built on reconciliation after terrible wars and cruelties. Our history binds us together as does geography.

    Ancient cultures and religions – the Greek and the Roman, the Jewish, the Christian and the Islamic, the Germanic and the Slavic – have produced an extraordinary legacy of literature, sciences, arts and music. The peaceful coexistence and mutual acknowledgement of different faiths are crucial for our future.

    Humanism, the enlightenment, rational and critical thinking have contributed to separating the roles of politics, law and religion within society. Today a set of shared beliefs defines our common good.

    Freedom and democracy constitute the foundation of European societies and cannot be unbound from respect for the rule of law. As outcomes of modern European political thinking, liberalism and human rights have provided the ground for the post-war reflection on equality, social justice and peace.


    After World War II, Europe embarked on the path of integration because nationalism had brutally failed.

    The European project, as proposed by the French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman in May 1950, promised peace and prosperity to European nations willing to pool their most important resources. This unprecedented approach was richly rewarded: European integration has delivered beyond expectation on its promise of peace and prosperity.

    Yet today, Europe’s achievements are mostly taken for granted and the old vision is fading. The European Union’s institutions are weakened because people consider them incomprehensible, bureaucratic, and lacking in democratic legitimacy. They have been unable to support Southern Europe in overcoming the economic crisis that has hit the younger generation particularly hard.

    Nationalist movements reject the idea of finding common solutions to common problems. We disagree. We believe that Europe is needed more than ever to safeguard our security and prosperity. European unity and solidarity are the only rational answers to the challenges of our age, from climate change to migration, from rising inequality to digitalisation, from terrorism to the threat of war.

    “Today, Europe’s achievements are mostly taken for granted.”

    European integration must move forward on new grounds because only together we can work towards a better global order. This is why we propose a European Federal Union that puts its citizens at the centre and focuses on protecting and serving them.


    The European Federal Union is based on a renewed social contract between Europe and its people, ensuring the following rights:

    Every person has the right to freedom and dignity. The Federal Union promotes and safeguards the principles of democracy, the rule of law, and human rights.

    Every person has the right to live safely and free of fear of physical harm. The Federal Union protects people in its territory from internal and external threats to their security that cannot effectively be addressed at the member state level.

    Every citizen of the Federal Union has the right to a productive life anywhere within the Federal Union. The Federal Union ensures the free movement of people. It fosters prosperity and job creation by providing a fully integrated single market and a European level playing field.

    Every citizen of the Federal Union has the right to enjoy equal opportunities in terms of education and receive social protection to cover basic needs. The Federal Union is committed to social justice and the fight against unfair inequalities, exclusion and especially youth unemployment.

    Every person has the right to a clean environment. The Federal Union, acting also in the interest of future generations, protects the environment and promotes an efficient use of natural resources.


    The European Union today has a complex institutional architecture which is difficult to understand by the citizens, and fosters distrust vis-à-vis the EU. The current system of governance based on intergovernmentalism is unable to address the challenges facing Europe in an effective and transparent manner. We therefore call for a new constitutional architecture, designed to simplify Europe’s form of government and improve legitimacy as well as accountability.

    “We hold a Federal Union to be a system with clear separations of powers.”

    We believe that only an institutional regime endowed with clearly defined competences, and legitimated through appropriate democratic processes, will win the support of European citizens. We hold a Federal Union to be a system with clear separations of powers, vertically between the Union and its member states, and horizontally between the institutions of the Union itself.


    Vertical separation of powers will be achieved by neatly dividing the competences of the Federal Union and the competences of the member states. Sovereignty will be divided between the Union and its member states according to the principle of subsidiarity.

    The Federal Union shall have competence in foreign affairs and immigration, counter-terrorism and defence, the internal market, competition and trade. It will have a common currency and a fiscal policy designed to ensure the proper functioning of the economic and monetary union.

    The Federal Union shall not be a super-state. It will refrain from overly intrusive regulation. Any competence which is not explicitly delegated to the Union shall remain with the member states. Moreover, some competences which are currently exercised at EU level can be repatriated to the member states.

    Budgetary powers shall be divided between the Federal Union and its member states. The Federal Union will have a reasonable budget financed through taxation and not through transfers from member states’ budgets. The member states will be independently responsible for their budgetary processes and for the service of their debt according to the no-bailout rule.


    Horizontal separation of powers will be achieved by clearly distinguishing the functions of the various Union institutions. As required by principles of constitutionalism, the institutional system of the Federal Union will be based on a legislative, an executive and a judicial power.

    The legislative power of the Federal Union will be divided between the European Parliament and a European Senate – which will result from the merging of the current European Council and the Council. The European Parliament, directly elected by the Union’s citizens through a uniform electoral procedure, will act as the house of the people. The European Senate, composed of members of national governments, will act as the house of the states. Every piece of Union legislation, regardless of the authority initiating it, shall be approved both by the European Parliament, voting by majority, and by the European Senate, voting by qualified majority.

    The executive power of the Federal Union will be vested in a European President elected through a democratic process. The President will represent the Union in international affairs and head the European administration evolved from the current European Commission. In fields where neutrality is required such as monetary policy or competition, independent agencies will be established.

    The judicial power of the Federal Union will be exercised by the European Court of Justice, which shall be entitled to review Union legislative and administrative acts for compliance with the separation of powers and the existing Charter of Fundamental Rights. The European Court of Justice shall ensure the uniform application of Union law and its supremacy over state law.


    In order to prevent the break-up of the European project and to move forward with integration, we propose to draw up a constitution defining in clear and binding terms the powers and governance structure of the Federal Union. This constitution shall enter into force when a majority of today’s EU member states have ratified it through a dedicated procedure. The Federal Union will welcome any European country sharing its values.

    “European unity and solidarity are the only rational answers to the challenges of our age.”

    Countries which do not ratify the constitution will not be members of the Federal Union, but the Union will associate them as closely as possible. Member states of the Federal Union will not be allowed to obtain opt-outs. The institutions of the Federal Union are empowered to enforce compliance by the member states with the principles and values which are enshrined in the Union’s constitution.

    To ensure speedy adoption, we invite national parliaments to appoint at the earliest state delegates who shall meet in Rome in 2017 to draw up a constitution of the Federal Union reflecting the principles spelled out above.

    As the young generation of Europeans, we are convinced that change is necessary and possible. Standing on the shoulders of giants, we are not afraid of claiming that the true European spirit is democratic, tolerant, pluralist and cosmopolitan.

    Now, not tomorrow, is the time to show that we can build our house on stones so solid that it can withstand any storm.

    Viva l’Europa!

    Sign the Manifesto

  • 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome: Shaping Generation Y’s Europe

    14 March 2017

    On the eve of 25 March celebrations a group of young students from all over Europe met in Italy to draft a manifesto setting up their common vision for shaping the EU’s future.

    Sixty years after the Treaty of Rome was signed, a lot of work still needs to be done. The European Union is suffering the blows of a widespread lack of trust in European institutions, a refugee crisis and its link to arising xenophobia, generational inequalities, populism and many other issues that can undermine its foundations and achievements.

    In occasion of this anniversary, it’s time to celebrate the past, but also to rethink the future. And the young must affirm its role in the institutional dialogue.

    This is why we as NEOS are supporting as media partners an initiative whose importance seems of great relevance and significance to us. The German-Italian Centre for European Excellence, Villa Vigoni and the organisation United Europe have selected a group of outstanding young European scholars and professionals who will develop a common vision of where Europe should be heading. The aim is to write a document, “The Rome Manifesto”, which should offer a perspective on the future of Europe.

    The authors (in the photo above) are brilliant young Europeans – from 25 to 40. Half of them are young scholars specialised for instance in history, philosophy, EU law and public governance. The other half are young professionals including a doctor, a startup entrepreneur, a business consultant and a public affairs specialist.

    They are divided into three groups:

    1. “Narrative of European integration”, with Germany’s former finance minister Peer Steinbrück as patron. While the fundamentals of Europe’s mission – safeguarding peace and prosperity – continue to be valid, the interpretation of what that means will need to change in order to explain Europe’s raison d’etre to today’s Europeans.

    2. “European institutions”, whose patron is Filippo Taddei, Director of the Bologna Institute for Policy Research at the Johns Hopkins University in Bologna and Chief economist of the Italian Democratic Party. Currently, decision-making at the EU level not only lacks effectiveness, but also transparency. Ordinary people do not understand how Europe’s institutions work which harms their legitimacy. Add to that the fact that many national governments have taken to blaming the EU for unpopular decisions, even if they were involved in making these decisions, themselves.

    3. “European Identity”, with Sylvie Goulard, French Member of the European Parliament. This group is is discussing what the European identity represents, and how Europeans can be made aware of it, in order to strengthen the link between Europe and its citizens. Across the continent, Europeans have many common roots in history, culture, politics, society and values. The geographic proximity also contributes heavily to a common destiny. If the European Union is to regain popular acceptance, more Europeans – including the older generation and people with a variety of educational backgrounds – will need to start sharing this sense of a European identity.

    The choice of involving young Europeans has a double symbolic valence. On the one hand, it reflects the forward-looking feature of the Manifesto. On the other hand, it is the acknowledgment of a rising European identity in the young, which is well shown by the following chart by the 2012 Eurobarometer 78.


    “It is among the young generations and the most economically and socially advantaged categories that the European Union enjoys the most favourable image”, says the Eurobarometer 83 of 2015. Positive perceptions are the most widespread among Europeans belonging to generation “Y”, born after 1980 (47% “positive” versus 14% “negative”, and 38% neutral stance) and people who studied up to the age of 20 or beyond (49% versus 15%, and 35% “neutral”).

    The working groups have recently met at Villa Vigoni to conclude the drafting of the document. In the run-up to the anniversary celebrations of the Treaty of Rome, the document will be presented at the Residence of the German Ambassador in Rome, Villa Almone, on 23 March.

  • 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome: Don’t mess with the European Union

    03 March 2017

    The current climate is particularly anxiety-provoking and we think that we, as citizens, have to speak up. This text has been approved by the school administration, the parents' council, the student body and staff.

    “No, to the EU!” they shout. All right, then what? Nationalism? Exclusion and isolationism? Shall we generate hate and close the borders?

    Anti-European movements seem to be enjoying a fair wind, not only in Great Britain but also here on our side of the Channel. This demonstrates how Euroskepticism has become a threat to the fundamental values of the common European life. How is it that 60 years after the creation of the European Economic Community, Europeans are so skeptical about one of their biggest achievements this century?

    It is predictable that of 510 million of citizens, some will question the European Union (EU). There is also little doubt that the EU is, as it is today, imperfect and complex.

    Indeed, it strengthens the influence of lobbyists and lets down the ordinary citizens. Although the EU considers itself a unity, it is unable to introduce a united policy. In the absence of such policy, it is impossible to overcome the growing economical and social inequalities between the citizens of the Member States.

    It is unnecessary to remind the people where a separated and hostile Europe could lead. Or is it? The first half of the last century should serve as a warning.

    The European Economic Community, founded 60 years ago, was meant to maintain and guarantee peace. More than ever nowadays, in an unsafe world where hundreds of thousands are fleeing the horrors of war, we should embrace and take care of this precious gift of peace. It would be reckless to put all of it on the line.

    Beyond this, the EU also protects democracy: the freedom of press, freedom of speech and a free choice of religion being just a fraction of the inviolable rights Europeans enjoy. Isn‘t it an immense joy to live in a country where the Constitution epitomises the principles of freedom and self-determination?

    All Member States of the EU have to ensure democratic guidelines, and countries aiming to join the EU cannot hinder reform processes. This contributes to the broadening of democratic values.

    Two essential aspects of the European Union are the free movement of persons and a single currency. Admittedly, they are not perfectly elaborated; the euro being the most commonly criticised aspect. However, in the Euro Zone, currency exchange disappeared along with the attached fees. We can cross the borders of all EU countries without passport control or visa requirements. The Schengen Agreement, which assured a free movement concept within the internal borders, not only contributes to the economical dynamism but also to an inter-cultural exchange and thus to peace and understanding between different cultures.

    Therefore, we can only shake our heads when we hear that others plan on building walls. Europe is familiar with such division. We must not let it come to that point anymore. To question the free movement of persons, on anyone’s behalf, would be a major setback for this free and diverse community.

    The EU is not perfect but it assures peace and safety in Europe. To criticise it, is legitimate. To destroy it, is not.

    We cannot deny that reforms and innovations are needed to make the EU fit for the future. However, these reforms can only be completed through unity and cohesion and not through antipathy and inner conflict.

    A strengthening of the European Union is very overdue.

    Isn't it a privilege to be able to call our neighbours our friends? To move freely without passport control? Not to have to exchange currency? And moreover: to live in peace?

    For us Europeans, these privileges have become self-evident, just like so many other things in the EU. And yet so many are beginning to question it all.

    Dear fellow European citizens,

    We are pro-European and we are voicing it loudly!

    We are proud to be part of a union of 510 million citizens from different and varied cultures.

    We want bridges and not walls. Our European Union has to stay strong with freedom, peace and security.

    We strive for a democratic, transparent and righteous European Union.

    We need unifying projects.

    Cartoon by Claudio Cadei/Cartoon Movement

  • Stimulating the economy: Boosting public investment requires a new EU rulebook

    08 February 2017

    By Arnaud Dessoy and Pierre-Emmanuel Noël

    This “old” idea reconnecting with Keynesian theory has never elicited such unanimous consent. In recent months, many mainstream economists and fiscally-conservative international organisations (IMF, OECD) have been pleading in unison for an increase in public investment in infrastructure – not to mention the many colloquium initiatives that have sprung up to support this idea (Construction Federation, Brussels Parliament, Union of cities and municipalities, etc.).

    On the political front, the “Juncker Plan” at European level and the “national pact for strategic investment” launched by Belgium’s Prime Minister last September, are clearly in line with this approach. Even the new President of the United States has placed an ambitious investment stimulus programme at the very core of his future economic project, a target nobody challenged.

    The context is particularly favourable by all accounts. The economy (mainly in Europe) is sluggish, interest rates are at historically low levels, the financing offer is overabundant and last, but far from least, the societal and modernising needs for our infrastructure must urgently be addressed to tackle future challenges (energy, mobility, health, education, housing, sustainable development, etc.). The needs are all the more pressing in Belgium as our country is suffering from structural under investment, not since the last economic and financial crisis of 2010, but for more than 25 years. Since 1995, public investment accounts for 2.2 percent of GDP in Belgium on average, compared with more than 3 percent in Europe.

    Paradoxically, this impressive unanimity runs up against an incomprehensible deadlock situation in Belgium and in Europe. The fiscal straight jacket imposed by European regulations is constraining public investment. The answer is to be found primarily in the European System of Accounts (or the “ESA standards”, as they are known in the jargon), which penalise the implementation of public investment projects.

    Indeed, these standards fail to distinguish between the “bad” public debt (which stems from the financing of current expenditures) and the “good” public debt (which corresponds to investments in infrastructure). This budgetary criterion thus totally ignores a “balance sheet” vision of the State as the condition of a country’s infrastructure and facilities is not taken into consideration in the overall assessment of the economic situation of the State concerned, the sole focus being on its debt-to-GDP position.

    Another aggravating feature is that investment expenditures have to be recorded in one go and in full for the accounting period, thereby impacting the result, irrespective of the economic lifetime of the asset and without regards for the financial reserves established from surpluses in previous financial years.

    The logical consequence of this “double punishment” in the accounting treatment of public investment is to discriminate against investment by governments that have embarked on a process of fiscal consolidation, which leads to the creation of a “hidden debt,” as recently illustrated by the saga of the Brussels tunnels.

    The ESA standards are not the only culprits, however. The euro crisis and above all the battery of new European governance measures – Known as “six pack” in the European jargon (i.e. consisting of 5 regulations and one directive) and “two pack” (2 new additional regulations), supported by the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union –  and the adoption of the supposed “golden” rule have hardened the budgetary framework even more, further discouraging investment and compounding the above-mentioned penalising effects of the ESA standards: The significant tightening of budget targets, which henceforth limits the annual structural deficit to 0.5 percent of nominal GDP maximum, whereas the traditional 3% offered a relative budgetary leeway to finance investment; There is a growing trend to address budgetary targets per level of government and even individual entities within the framework of the internal stability pact [1].

    Belgium is particularly affected, inasmuch as it has the distinguishing feature of combining two characteristics, namely (1) a very high public debt/GDP ratio, and (2) fragmented budget appropriations due to the multiple tiers of government in Belgium, making them less apt to absorb a greater debt burden (unlike France or Italy, for instance). Applied on the scale of a given public entity in Belgium, the requirement for a balance according to the frame of reference of the EAS standards will often stand in the way of implementing an investment project.

    Finally, in the aftermath of far stricter interpretation rules, the scope of consolidation of the public sector was significantly expanded through the re-qualification of a large number of public entities (alternative financing entities, PPPs and social housing financing companies and municipality-controlled companies at local level), with an inhibiting effect on public investment as a result.

    Towards a smarter definition of the balanced budget criterion?

    The European authorities have in recent months become gradually aware that this regulatory framework victimised their own policy stimulus plan (“Juncker” Plan, “Europe 2020” Strategy, etc.). Some limited efforts have admittedly been made: the Commission introduced an “investment clause” (albeit of very limited scope and inapplicable to Belgium) in the budgetary framework, whereas Eurostat and the EIB jointly developed a PPP Manual to make the consolidation rules clearer and more transparent in the case of infrastructure projects set up as public-private partnerships (“PPPs”). Though clearly laudable, these initiatives have nonetheless proved insufficient.

    To find a way out of the investment deadlock and reinvigorate public investment, Europe has to change its budgetary paradigm and accept a differentiated treatment for the debt relating to investment projects, of course based on rigorous criteria to do with feasibility, added value for the community and financial sustainability (because gold-plated or “white elephant” projects are to be carefully avoided).

    Concrete and detailed proposals have already been set forth by authoritative think-tanks, like the CERPE, having regard for the sustainability of public finance and taking due account of the net increase in aggregate asset value (i.e. post-depreciation) to offset the corresponding debt increase.

    This seemingly technical subject is nonetheless of fundamental importance, because beyond public investment as a stimulus tool (and its well-known multiplier effect), sustainable competitiveness and inter-generational fairness are at stake on a more fundamental level, and the strategic infrastructure (mobility, digitisation, research, etc.) that will guarantee the prosperity of tomorrow and preserve our social model has to be built today. Ironically, during the drafting of the Maastricht Treaty that introduced EU’s common fiscal framework, the differentiated treatment of investment debt had been envisaged but eventually dropped due to the lack of agreement on the scope of the investments to be considered.

    Now is the time for the political world to reclaim this seemingly hermetic subject that is nonetheless of crucial importance for the future of Europe.

    Arnaud Dessoy is Director of Public Finance and Social Profit Studies at Belfius bank.

    Pierre-Emmanuel Noël is Professor at Sciences-Po Paris and College of Europe, and a member of the Stand Up Support Committee

    Disclaimer : This text reflects the views only of the authors, not the institutions for which they work

    [1] Article 13 of Council Directive 2011/85/EU on requirements for budgetary frameworks of the Member States provides for the establishment of: “appropriate mechanisms of coordination across-subsectors of general government to provide for comprehensive and consistent coverage of all sub-sectors of general government in fiscal planning.”

  • 2017, election year: Take a dare on Europe!

    03 February 2017

    Presidential election in France, general election in the Netherlands and in Germany: 2017 is a crucial year for Europe. Thus, and to counter the populist wave that's threatening to wipe them out, candidates should seize the opportunity to stand up for their ideas on Europe's future.

    In 2017 we will see national elections in countries across Europe. Notably France and Germany will choose their future heads of state and of government. In light of these upcoming election campaigns, we urge candidates to put forward their proposals concerning the future of Europe, in particular the future of the Eurozone and Schengen Area.

    For the main topics of national elections are too tightly bound up in European cooperation for it to remain in the background.

    For instance, it is no longer credible to consider shaping major economic or social policies without addressing the question of Europe.

    It is futile to consider maintaining peace and security, or resolving the major geopolitical and migration challenges of our time, without discussing Europe.

    Similarly, it is unrealistic to consider fighting climate change efficiently and protecting the environment without support from a united Europe.

    Last but not least, it is inconceivable to construct our future democracy without choosing between, on one hand, a return to independent nations similar to the 1930s or, on the other hand, purposefully striding towards a federal European entity that is directly connected to its citizens.

    Let us dare to construct Europe! Or else, let us abandon this utopia altogether and leave. Besides these two opposites, there is no solid middle-ground.

    Europe is currently dysfunctional because it is an unfinished project. But this does not necessarily mean Europe is doomed to remain so, quite the contrary! While intergovernmental approaches used so far have reached their limits, the potential good from a federal Europe remains enormous and mostly untapped.

    In an unavoidably globalising world, we are witnessing a wave of populism and the relative powerlessness of national politics through Europe. This phenomenon is linked to the lack of coherence, transparency and prospects concerning Europe.

    We now find ourselves at a tipping point where we must put an end to this, and to the adverse consequences it has brought.

    We thus urge candidate leaders to fully address this topic during the public debates leading up to the elections.

    Your fellow citizens need to hear your future-looking proposals debated, as we must decide together which way to go concerning a central aspect of our lives: Europe.

  • A Soul for Europe conference: Desperately seeking a soul for Europe

    05 December 2016

    What a fitting headline for the times – Europe and the European project face many threats, such as the unresolved Euro crisis, desertions such as Brexit, disagreements over international issues like the one that the signature of the free trade agreement with Canada brought to the fore after much wrangling, and last but not least, the (victory) of Donald Trump in the American presidential election and his intention to revisit transatlantic relations. These uncertainties that taken together force us to ponder the relevance of the European project, how it is perceived, and how to address these threats.

    Such was the objective of the conference A Soul for Europe that was jointly held in Berlin this past 8 and 9 November by the Allianz Foundation and the Berlin Zukunft Foundation. Political leaders, members of civil society, journalists and experts met there to discuss the European project and along what lines to relaunch it. On day one, the sole topic was the role of cities, which play a key role in the construction of Europe. On day two, there were three topics: culture as an integration factor, immigration and its impact on the construction of Europe, and the construction of the Europe of citizens based on the first two topics. According to participants like Ivan Krastev and Ulrike Guerot, citizen participation is crucial to building a European demos and reenergizing the European project. To achieve these goals, institutions to bolster participation are needed. Bloggers such as Jon Worth also hold this opinion.

    Several projects designed to address these points were presented at the venue Marketplace Europe, such as vonkiezzukiez.eu (“Neighbourhood to neighbourhood"), which aims to communicate on the topic of the issues in European neighbourhoods and cities by collective discussions between citizens and representatives of institutions. The objective of the project called Migration Matters is to demonstrate through thorough studies the truth about migration to the public. European Alternatives, is striving to l'"create a transnational political space that enables citizens to take decisions."

    The President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, delivered the closing speech, which was on the state of Europe, and sponsored by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Juncker, who seemed more humane up close than one would guess from his public persona reflected by the press, stressed one fundamental point for all who are involved in or affected by the European project: "Often I see it written that the European Union is the main problem of the European continent. To the contrary, it is the only way that Europe will manage to survive in tomorrow's."

    Translated from the French by Rita Smith-Lemaire

  • The crisis within the European Left: Social Democrats – a victim of the times

    21 October 2016

    Social Democrat parties in Europe are running out of steam, a tendency fuelled by the economic crisis and the rise of new political parties that are vying for political space.

    The centre-left has fallen on hard times in Europe. The UK is grappling with a leadership crisis, with Labour having a hard time dealing with the fallout of the yes vote for Brexit. Its leader, Jeremy Corbyn, was re-elected at the recent party convention that was clouded by the row over the victory of the “Leave” camp. Mr. Corbyn’s opponents criticize him for being completely inept at countering the rise of populist parties like UKIP, which siphoned off many votes from the frightened working class electorate.

    Spain’s crisis is two-fold: the nine-month long governance crisis that could lead to a third legislative election if the parties fail to come to an agreement, and a conflict, well, actually, an all out war between the former leader of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE), Pedro Sánchez, and his opponents. Mr. Sánchez supports the formation of an alternative coalition with Podemos among other parties, instead of a vote of abstention. The latter would enable the incumbent Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, to form a minority government. Some members of the SSWP begged to differ, believing that forming a government was the priority, and they prevailed, forcing Sánchez to resign.

    Meanwhile in France, François Hollande stands idly by as he continues to lose public support and his crew abandon the sinking ship one by one. The last defector was his Finance Minister, Emmanuel Macron. Meanwhile, former President Nicolas Sarkozy is making his comeback, promising the electorate safety and a common identity to counter the perceived frailty of the country in the wake of the recent terrorist attacks and the migration crisis. The left is faring no better elsewhere: in Italy, Prime Minister Matteo Renzi risks losing star status if he fails to win the constitutional referendum on December 4th.

    Social democracy in Europe has been guillotined. Why? Domestic issues and issues caused by a trend that emerged in past years linked to the political crises of the parties that have monopolized the political center of Europe since WWII. The economic crisis, which begot the other crises—the European Union crisis, the identity crisis, and the Euro crisis-- is the biggest sole contributor. Another tough blow has been the rise of left- and right-wing alternative parties. Populist and xenophobic, and above all diametrically opposed to the Establishment, they challenge social democratic parties, which have remained firmly anchored to the centre-left/centre-right split so characteristic of post-war Europe.

    The European Union and the decades of peace that it brought to the continent are the fruits of the tacit agreement between conservative and social democratic forces. Isn’t it ironic that social democracy has become a victim of its own success, dead once most of western Europe accepted the “welfare pact”? What is new for social democrat parties is that they have to fight to keep their middle class and working class electorate from defecting to right- or left-wing parties. Essayist Paul Mason wrote in the Guardian on the topic:

    It would appear that the social democrats lack the intellectual resources necessary for renewal. And this is the consequence of an even deeper paradox: […] American historian of Hungarian origin Karl Polanyi believed that capitalism comprised two opposing forces: one pulling towards the market and the other pushing away from it. Regulating them is in society’s interest. Polony’s ideas were a thing of beauty for the centre-left of the 80s. They enabled it to survive the disappearing working class, by simply replacing its slogan “protect the working class” with “it’s in your interest to regulate capitalism”. Since 2008, the root problem of the social democrats is that it is no longer clear just how to regulate capitalism. […] Now that the first tide of neo-liberalism has washed over Europe, the social democrats need to come up with something new. However, they lack the necessary resources. Most socialist elites and European bureaucrats have become accustomed to managing a dysfunctional capitalist system and seem quite incapable of coming up with a new vision.

    Mainstream parties must urgently redraw the political map with them at the very heart of it. This is an easier task for conservatives, who are more in their element. Many voters find protectionism, common identity, and policies harking back to the past reassuring. Easier said than done for the social democrats, however. To counter the rising stars of the left wing, in particular in southern Europe (Podemos, Syriza,…), they need to rethink their compromise with the “soft” capitalism they have cozied up to ever since the war, when a decomplexed Europe laid its qualms about neoliberalism and financial capitalism to rest.

    But the crisis has hit the Social Democrat electorate hard, and it is no longer buying its political product. So Social Democrat parties have to make a choice, then compete to sell it: renew the old compromise or divide the left. And that is what the lingering crisis is all about.

    Translated by Rita Smith-Lemaire

  • After the failed coup in Turkey: Refrain from vendetta, Mr. Erdoğan

    20 September 2016

    Authors, journalists and scientists from all over the world are signing this petition, asking the Turkish government to halt its crackdown on the press and the opposition, starting with freeing novelist Ahmet Altan and his brother Mehmet, an Economist and writer.

    On 15 July 2016, a coup d'état was attempted in Turkey against state institutions. It was carried out by a faction within the Turkish Armed Forces that organised themselves as the Peace at Home Council and cited an erosion of secularism, the elimination of democratic rule, a disregard for human rights, and Turkey's loss of credibility in the international arena as reasons for the coup. They eventually were defeated by loyalist military, while the government accused them of being linked to exiled religious leader Fethullah Gülen and opponent to president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

    Over 300 people were killed and more than 2,100 were injured during the coup, which was followed by a massive wave of arrests, with at least 6,000 detained, including at least 2,839 soldiers and 2,745 judges. 15,000 education staff were also suspended and the licenses of 21,000 teachers working at private institutions were revoked as well as 42 journalists were arrested, after the government alleged they were loyal to Gülen.

    Authors, journalists and scientists from all over the world are signing the following petition, asking the Turkish government to halt its crackdown on the press and opposition, starting from freeing prominent novelist Ahmet Altan, and his brother, writer and professor of economics Mehmet Altan:

    We the undersigned call upon democrats throughout the world as well as those who care about the future of Turkey and the region in which it exerts a leading role, to protest the vendetta, which the government is waging against its brightest thinkers and writers who may not share their point of view.

    The background to this letter is the coup attempt on July 15, 2016, which mercifully failed and was quickly subdued. Had the Turkish people themselves not resisted this assault on their institutions, the result would have been years of misery.

    In the aftermath of that coup, it is understandable that the government would have imposed a temporary state of emergency. However, the failed coup should not be a pretext for a McCarthy style witch hunt nor should that state of emergency be conducted with scant regard for basic rights, rules of evidence or even common sense.

    We as writers, academics and defenders of freedom of expression are particularly disturbed to see colleagues we know and respect to being imprisoned under emergency regulations. Journalists like Şahin Alpay, Nazlı Ilıcak or the novelist Aslı Erdoğan have been outspoken defenders of democracy and opponents of militarism or tyranny of any sort.

    We are particularly disturbed to see the prominent novelist Ahmet Altan, and his brother, Mehmet Altan, a writer and distinguished professor of economics, being detained in a dawn raid on September 10, 2016. The pair stands accused of somehow giving subliminal messages to rally coup supporters on a television panel show broadcast July 14th, the night before the coup-attempt.

    Ahmet Altan is one of Turkey’s most important writers whose novels appear in translation and sell in the millions. He was also editor in chief for five years of the liberal daily newspaper Taraf. The paper championed the public’s right to know. He has been prosecuted many times over his career –in the 1990s for trying to get a Turkish readership to empathize with the country’s Kurds or more recently for trying to force an apology from the prime minister for the 2011 Roboski massacre in which 34 villagers were bombed. He appeared in court as recently as September 2, charged with handling state secrets based on an indictment that was in large part copy pasted from two entirely different cases.

    Mehmet Altan is a professor at Istanbul University, a columnist whose numerous books campaigned to rebuild Turkey’s identity not on race or religion but respect for human rights. Like his brother and others now in jail his crime is not for supporting a coup but for the effectiveness of his criticism of the current government whose initial progress in broadening democracy is now jammed in reverse gear.

    We therefore call upon the Turkish government to cease its persecution of prominent writers and to speed the release of Ahmet and Mehmet Altan as well as so many of their colleagues wrongly accused.

    Héctor Abad, Writer.

    Daron Acemoğlu, Professor of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

    Dogan Akhanli, Writer, PEN Germany.

    Meena Alexander, Poet, writer ; Distinguished Professor of English, Hunter College and CUNY Graduate Center in the PhD program in English.

    Monica Ali, Writer.

    Professor Rosental Calmon Alves, Knight Chair in Journalism & UNESCO Chair in Communication ; Director, Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas, University of Texas at Austin.

    Gillian Anderson, Film, television, theatre actress.

    Kwame Anthony Appiah, Philosopher, cultural theorist and novelist.

    Chloe Aridjis, Writer, Mexico / United Kingdom.

    Ingeborg Arlt, Writer, PEN Germany.

    John Ashbery, Poet.

    Margaret Atwood, Writer.

    Michael Augustin, Poet, translator, Germany.

    Thomas Bachmann, Author.

    Çiğdem Balım, Senior lecturer, Indiana University.

    Etienne Balibar, Philosopher ; Professor Emeritus, University of Paris-Ouest ; Anniversary Chair in Modern European Philosophy, Kingston University, London.

    Hans Jürgen Balmes, Editor, S. Fischer Verlage.

    Russell Banks, Writer.

    Peter Barbey, Publisher, The Village Voice.

    Julian Barnes, Writer.

    Robert Barnett, Senior Research Fellow and Director, Modern Tibetan Studies, Columbia University.

    Jürgen Baurmann, Professor Emeritus, University of Wuppertal, Germany.

    John Berger, Writer.

    Sara Bershtel, Publisher, Metropolitan Books / Henry Holt.

    Johann Bihr, Head of the Eastern Europe & Central Asia desk, Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

    Clifford Bob, Raymond J. Kelley Endowed Chair in International Relations, Duquesne University.

    Eric Bogosian, Actor, playwright, novelist and historian.

    Mirko Bonné, Writer.

    Vera Botterbusch, Filmmaker, photographer, writer.

    Patrick Boucheron, Professor, History, Collège de France.

    Olivier Bouquet, Professor, History, University of Paris VII.

    Hamit Bozarslan, Professor, History, EHESS.

    Warren Breckman, Rose Family Endowed Term Chair, Professor of History, University of Pennsylvania.

    Breyten Breytenbach, Writer, South Africa / France.

    Daphné Breytenbach, Independent journalist, France.

    Lisette Buchholz, Publisher, persona verlag.

    A.S. Byatt (Dame Susan Duffy), Novelist, poet, Booker Prize winner.

    Jamie Byng, Publisher, Canongate Books.

    Simon Callow, Actor, musician, writer and theatre director.

    Peter Carey, Writer.

    Nick Cave, Musician, author, screenwriter.

    Baltasar Cevc, Lawyer, Erlangen, Germany.

    Ying Chan, Journalist, Winner of CPJ International Press Freedom Award.

    Roger Chartier, Professor, History, Collège de France.

    Frances Dal Chele, Photographer.

    Noam Chomsky, Linguist ; Institute Professor of Emeritus, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

    Claus Clausen, Publisher, Tiderne Skifter, Denmark.

    Nathalie Clayer, Professor, History, EHESS.

    Jonathan Coe, Novelist.

    JM Coetzee, Nobel Laureate in Literature.

    Professor Dominique Custos, Centre for Research on Fundamental Rights and the Evolution of Law (CRDFED), University of Caen, France.

    Burak Çopur, Political Scientist, University of Duisburg-Essen, Germany.

    Sophie Dahl, Writer.

    Christophe Deloire, Secretary-General, Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

    Ariel Dorfman, Novelist, playwright ; Walter Hines Page Research Professor Emeritus of Literature, Duke University.

    Costas Douzinas, Professor of Law, University of London.

    Tanja Dückers, Writer.

    Horst Eckert, Writer.

    Scott Ellsworth, Author ; lecturer, Department of Afroamerican and African Studies, University of Michigan.

    Jean Louis Fabiani, Professor, Humanities, EHESS.

    Catherine Farin, Editor, S. Fischer Verlage.

    Rita Felski, Professor of literature, University of Virginia and University of Southern Denmark.

    Elena Ferrante, Writer.

    Sandro Ferri, Publisher, edizioni e/o, Europa editions.

    Sascha Feuchert, Vice-President and Writers-in-Prison-Commissioner of PEN Germany ; Professor of Literature, University of Giessen.

    Stephen Frears, Film director.

    Maureen Freely, Writer ; President of English PEN.

    Uwe Friesel, Writer and translator ; Member of International PEN / First President of the German Union VS.

    Neil Gaiman, Writer.

    Rebeca García Nieto, Writer, Spain.

    Marcel Gauchet, Philosopher, EHESS ; publisher of Le Debat.

    Graeme Gibson, Novelist.

    Mario Giordano, Writer.

    Maurice Godelier, Professor of Anthropology, EHESS, Paris.

    Jordan Goodman, Honorary Research Fellow in the Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine at College, London .

    Professor Anthony T. Grafton, Historian, Princeton University.

    Roland Greene, Mark Pigott KBE Professor in the School of Humanties and Sciences, Professor of English and Comparative Literature, Stanford University.

    Constanze Güthenke, Associate Professor of Greek Literature, Faculty of Classics, University of Oxford.

    Ulla Hahn, Writer.

    Matt Haig, Novelist and journalist.

    Anton Harber, Caxton Professor of Journalism at University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg and chair of the Freedom of Expression Institute.

    David Hare, Playwright.

    Josef Haslinger, President, PEN-Centers, Germany.

    Chris Hedges, Author, Pulitzer Prize Winner.

    Amy Hempel, Short story writer and journalist.

    Wolfgang Hermann, Author, Austria.

    Uwe-Karsten Heye, Writer.

    Jim Hicks, Executive Editor of the Massachusetts Review ; Professor at University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

    Kathy High, Interdisciplinary artist, curator, scholar.

    Adam Hochschild, Journalist, historian.

    James Hollings, Senior Lecturer in Journalism, Massey University Wellington, New Zealand.

    Nick Hornby, Writer.

    Violaine Huisman, Director of Humanities, Brooklyn Academy of Music.

    Mark Lee Hunter, Investigative journalist, Paris.

    Zehra İpşiroğlu, Author ; Professor of Theatre Studies, University of Duisburg-Essen.

    Ayesha Jalal, Mary Richardson Professor of History ; Director, Center for South Asian and Indian Ocean Studies, Tufts University.

    Gabriela Jaskulla, Writer and journalist.

    Amy Edith Johnson, Columbia University.

    Joachim Kalka, Writer and translator.

    Karin Karlekar, Director of Free Expression At Risk Programs, PEN America.

    A.L. Kennedy, Writer.

    Tanja Kinkel, Writer.

    Hubert Klöpfer, Publisher and member of PEN Germany.

    Laurens van Krevelen, Writer and publisher, The Netherlands.

    Barbara Krohn, Writer.

    Hari Kunzru, Novelist and journalist.

    Hanif Kureishi, Writer.

    Olivia Laing, Writer and critic.

    Jean-Manuel Larralde, Professor of Public Law, University of Caen, Normandy.

    Camille Laurens, Writer.

    Marie Lecomte-Tilouine, Director of research at CNRS, France.

    Joanne Leedom-Ackerman, Vice President of PEN International.

    Jo Lendle, Publisher, Carl Hanser Verlage.

    Wolf Lepenies, Professor, Sociology, Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin; Freie Universität.

    Mark Lilla, Writer, Professor of Humanities, Columbia University.

    Antoine Lilti, Professor, History, EHESS.

    Professor Christoph Lindenmeyer, Author and journalist ; member of PEN-Center Germany.

    Clementina Liuzzi, Literary agent.

    Gert Loschütz, Writer.

    Gila Lustiger, Writer, Germany / France.

    Jonas Lüscher, Writer ; member of PEN-Center Germany.

    Lindsay Mackie, Board member of English PEN and chair of its Readers and Writers Programme.

    Alberto Manguel, Writer, Director of the National Library of Argentina.

    Anthony Marx, President and CEO of The New York Public Library ; former president of Amherst College.

    Frédérique Longuet Marx, Maître de conférences en sociologie à l'Université de Caen.

    Hisham Matar, Writer.

    Claudia Mattalucci, Professor, Anthropology, University of Milan-Bicocca.

    Tom McCarthy, National affairs correspondent, The Guardian.

    Ian McEwan, Novelist and screenwriter.

    Jay McInerney, Novelist.

    Maureen N. McLane, Professor of English, Director of Honors, New York University.

    Norbert Mecklenburg, Professor of Literature, University of Cologne.

    Allan Megill, Professor of History, University of Virginia.

    Maria Meinel, Translator.

    Laurent Mignon, Associate Professor of Turkish ; Fellow of St Antony’s College, Oriental Institute, University of Oxford.

    Rick Moody, Writer.

    Luiza Franco Moreira, Poet ; Professor and Chair, Department of Comparative Literaure at Binghampton University.

    Paul W. Morris, Director of Literary Programs at PEN American Center.

    Dirk Moses, Professsor, History, University of Sydney.

    Glenn W. Most, Professor of Classics, Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa ; The University of Chicago, Committee on Social Thought.

    Madhusree Mukerjee, Writer.

    Neel Mukherjee, Writer.

    Enrique Murillo, Editor, Los libros del lince.

    Herta Müller, Nobel Laureate in Literature.

    Sten Nadolny, Novelist.

    Azar Nafisi, Writer.

    Ralf Nestmeyer, Author, historian.

    Mary Ann Newman, Translator.

    Steve Newman, Associate Professor, Director of Graduate Studies, Department of English, Temple University.

    Thandie Newton, Actress.

    Dr. Bui Hanh Nghi, Author.

    Dr. Wulf Noll, Writer.

    Olivier Nora, Publisher, Editions Grasset.

    Françoise Nyssen, Publisher, Actes Sud.

    Andrew O’Hagan, Novelist.

    Hans-Christian Oeser, Literary Translator, Member of PEN.

    Osman Okkan, Turkish-German Forum of Culture.

    Michael Ondaatje, Novelist and poet.

    Sandra Ozzola, Publisher, edizioni e/o, Europa editions.

    Erol Önderoğlu, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Turkey.

    Cem Özdemir, Chairman and Member of Parliament, Alliance 90/ The Greens, Germany.

    Orhan Pamuk, Nobel Laureate in Literature.

    Christian Parenti, Author, investigative journalist.

    Tim Parks, Writer.

    Philip N. Pettit, Historian, Philosopher, Princeton University; Australian National University.

    DBC Pierre, Writer.

    Angela Pimenta, Columnist and president of Projor (The Institute for Development of Journalism), São Paulo.

    Philip Pullman, Writer.

    Justin Quinn, Writer, translator ; Associate Professor, University of West Bohemia, Czech Republic.

    Eduardo Rabasa, Writer.

    Marie-Joëlle Redor-Fichot, Professor of Public Law, University of Caen, Normandy.

    Daniel Rondeau, Writer; former ambassador.

    Professor Michael Rothberg, 1939 Society Samuel Goetz Chair in Holocaust Studies, UCLA.

    Frederick J. Ruf, Professor, Department of Theology, Georgetown University.

    Alan Rusbridger, Journalist, Principal of Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford and the former editor-in-chief of The Guardian.

    Salman Rushdie, Writer ; Winned of the Booker Prize for Fiction and the Booker of Bookers prize.

    P. Sainath, Author, journalist.

    Professor Philippe Sands QC, University College London and Matrix Chambers.

    Gisèle Sapiro, Professor of Sociology at the EHESS and Research Director at the CNRS, Vice-President of the EHESS for International Relations.

    Aram Saroyan, Poet and novelist.

    Roberto Saviano, Journalist, writer.

    Rafik Schami, Syrian-German writer.

    Anya Schiffrin, Director (IMAC) at the School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University.

    Prof Dr. Wilfried F. Schoeller, Author, literary critic, professor of 20th Century Literatute, Literary Criticism Media, University.

    Eugene Schoulgin, Vice President, PEN International.

    Lynne Sharon Schwartz, Writer.

    Professor Salvatore Settis, Art Historian, President of Louvre Museum’s Scientific Board ; Former President of Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa.

    Elif Shafak, Writer.

    Jayeeta Sharma, Associate Professor of History, University of Toronto.

    Peter Sillem, Editorial Director, S. Fischer Verlag.

    Shelly Silver, Associate Professor, Visual Arts Program, Columbia University.

    Dan Simon, Founder and publisher, Seven Stories Press.

    Laura M. Slatkin, Professor, Classical Studies, New York University.

    Ali Smith, Writer.

    Marie-Carmen Smyrnelis, Historian, EHESS.

    Lorin Stein, Editor of The Paris Review.

    Juliet Stevenson, Stage and screen actress.

    Klaus Stiller, Writer.

    Tom Stoppard, Playwright and screenwriter.

    Ulrich Straeter, Writer and publisher.

    Leander Sukov, Author, Germany.

    Johann P. Tammen, Poet and editor, Member of PEN.

    Adam Thirlwell, Writer.

    Emma Thompson, Actress, comedian, writer.

    Uwe Timm, Writer, Germany.

    Ilija Trojanow, Writer, translator, publisher.

    Özgür Türesay, Senior Lecturer, Applied School of Advanced Studies, 4th Section, Section of historical and philological sciences.’’

    Anja Utler, Writer, Germany.

    Regula Venske, General Secretary, PEN Germany.

    Charles V Wait, President, CEO and chairman of the board of The Adirondack Trust Company, Saratoga Springs, New York ; Director of the New York Bankers Association.

    Immanuel Wallerstein, Yale University.

    Günter Wallraff, Writer.

    Irvine Welsh, Novelist and playwright.

    Herbert Wiesner, Literary Critic, Member of German PEN Centre, Berlin.

    Michel Wieviorka, Professor of Sociology, EHESS.

    Dr. Thomas Wohlfahr, Director of Literature Workshop, House for Poetry, Berlin.

    Felicia Zeller, Writer.

    Cartoon by Enrico Bertuccioli/CartoonMovement

  • UK towards Brexit: The Boris Johnson gamble

    14 August 2016

    Barely a week old into his unexpected assignment as Britain’s new Foreign Secretary, Boris Johnson was already making headlines. Yet, could Boris Johnson be more than a wild card in Theresa May’s new cabinet?

    The baptism of fire came early on his second day at the new job when Mr. Johnson got [booed](http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/boris-johnson-booed-at-french-embassy-brexit-foreign-secretary-a7138306.html] by guests at the French Embassy reception in London. Then came the terrorist attack in Nice and the need to grapple with the fallout of the coup d’etat attempt in Turkey.

    But the reaction he received from the U.S. press corps during his meeting with Secretary of State John Kerry really caught Mr. Johnson with his back against the wall. The joint press conference that followed saw a Boris Johnson taken to task by reporters asking him about the insulting references he made to world leaders, including comparing Hillary Clinton to a “sadistic nurse in a mental hospital” and attacking President Obama for his “ancestral dislike for the British Empire”. Peppered with questions and grilled for his past uncanny comments, the former Mayor of London refused to apologize, :

    “I’m afraid there is such a rich thesaurus of things I’ve said that have been one way or another, through what alchemy I do not know, somehow misconstrued, that it would really take me too long to engage in a full global itinerary of apology to all concerned,” he told reporters during the press conference, his first with his U.S. counterpart.

    His controversial appointment as the UK’s top diplomat came with a swift and incredulous reaction on the world stage. Many rolled their eyes as Mr Johnson took his place among the leading foreign dignitaries of the global.

    Unfortunate mishap or calculated risk?

    Inserting Mr Johnson in such a position is considered by some not so much as an unfortunate mishap but as a massive political gamble. Handing one of the great office of state to him, an erratic and controversial political figure, in a time of political discontent and uncertainty is a huge gamble. Yet, this might well be a calculated risk and Mr. Johnson could prove to be the right man for the job.

    Firstly, the Foreign Office is not as important as it once was. Already under Tony Blair, the Prime Minister Office has started intervening in a variety of areas, including foreign policy, hollowing out much of the power of this department. The ministry saw its attributes watered down by other areas of the government. Prime Minister May doubles down on this trend, bringing the most important issues of British foreign policy under the newly established Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union and Secretary of State for International Trade.

    Boris Johnson is now heading a Foreign Office that looks more like a sales department for British interests, making it the perfect place for an unpredictable yet charismatic politician who managed to sell London to the world and win the bid to host the 2012 Olympic Games.

    The move is also intended to unite the Conservative Party, quell any sort of internal discontent and bring the grassroots and right-wingers, for whom Mr. Johnson remains a popular figure, on board. With a slim majority in the House of Commons of only 12 MPs, Ms May is very susceptible to divisive party rebellions. Keeping the populist and Eurosceptic Boris Johnson close makes strategic sense as Theresa May believes that with him in office, there’s less of a chance for warring factions within the Conservative Party to turn against the Prime Minister.

    Also, as Foreign Secretary, Boris Johnson will be traveling the globe, spending large amounts of time away from London and from plotting party coups against the newly appointed PM. Yet having Mr. Johnson as the most absent figure in her cabinet doesn’t save Theresa May the trouble of dealing with all kinds of diplomatic incidents her Foreign Secretary is prone to.

    Brexit is Brexit

    Boris Johnsons’ support amongst a large number of Tory MPs, especially amongst Brexiters, helps not only Ms. May stay out of trouble, but also sends a clear message that the new cabinet is determined to take the UK out of the EU.

    In her inaugural speech, Theresa May was quick to point out that “Brexit means Brexit”, dismissing all hopes that the UK might change its minds about leaving the European Union. Having Boris Johnson, leader of the Leave camp, enlisted in a top ministerial position shows that triggering the now notorious Article 50 and parting with the EU is just a matter of time.

    In a quest for party unity and political stability calling upon Boris Johnson to serve in office is a smart move with far wider consequences. But populists, just like Mr. Johnson, remain appealing to voters mainly when kept outside public office, unaccountable to voters and away from the harsh realities of governing a country. Giving populists the chance to step up to the plate and take charge holds but only two possible outcomes: fail big or become run-of-the-mill politicians. Either way, we could see populism across the continent losing ground, proving that disarming it might be more a matter of implication rather than isolation.

    This article was first published on Katoikos.eu

    Cartoon by Daniel Murphy/CartoonMovement

  • Brexit and the media: A newspaper for the 48 percent

    08 July 2016

    In just ten days, a weekly newspaper for the anti-Brexit voters has been launched in the United Kingdom. It aims at providing them "in-depth analysis of the Brexit process, its implications and progress as well as a celebration of European life and culture".

    A new weekly popped up in British newsstands on this 8 July: The New European. Although it shares its name with a few Brussels-based newspapers and think-tanks, the paper specifically targets the 48% who voted to remain in the European Union in the 23 June referendum.

    The New European is published by the Norfolk-based Archant, which is planning to publish four issues initially. “Reader interest will decide whether it lasts beyond a month. Distribution will be focused on areas that voted strongly for remain, such as London and the south-east, Liverpool and Manchester”, reports The Guardian.

    The New European will provide in-depth analysis of the Brexit process”, says the newspaper’s site, “its implications and progress as well as a celebration of European life and culture with contributions from some of the most respected journalists and opinion formers from the UK and Europe.”

    The New European is not aligned with old political divisions but with an enthusiasm and love for Europe” – the latter being rather unusual in the United Kingdom, although the massive rally on 30 June in London showed that there are actually quite a few people who still value the UK’s membership of the European Union.

    It was the outpouring of enthusiasm and anger from the “Remainers” and their critic assessment of the way the British press covered the referendum campaign – and the EU in general – that prompted the publisher to think about “a printed product that reflected very clearly the values of the 48 percent”, says The New European’s launching editor and Archant Chief content officer Matt Kelly. In his opinion, they counted only on “a couple of newspapers traditionally perceived to be on the left of British politics, but both of which had seemed uncommitted to the Remain cause up until the last moments of the campaign, by which time it was — evidently now — too late.”

    After the referendum, Kelly adds,

    the sense of dismay and disenfranchisement has continued without any sign of fading. The fact that the Leave camp is so openly clueless about what the plan is now only adds to the sense that this is a self-inflicted wound of elephant gun proportions.

    The unusual business of launching a print newspaper without any market research has been achieved thanks to short-term expected lifespan of The New European – a month, maybe more – and to the fact that the readership already exists: it’s the 48 percent.