Where to for the European left?

Will the reformist left be one of the many victims of the austerity packages adopted in several European countries? On the one hand, the question should be asked because three of the seven left-wing governments in EU member states — Greece, Spain and Portugal — have been forced to deploy harsh measures which are only marginally different from those in place in Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom and France, where centre-right or right-wing parties hold sway. On the other, although it is critical of social aspects of the right-wing response to the crisis, and although it occasionally hints that it would make a better job of cleaning up the current financial mess, in countries where it occupies the opposition benches, the left often appears to be in agreement with the philosophy underlying government cutbacks.

Regardless of what we think of the alleged long-term benefits that austerity will bring, there is no denying its immediate and painful cost. The cutbacks have already resulted in a significant increase in social unrest, because the poorest and most vulnerable groups in the population — temporary workers, young job seekers, pensioners, and lowly paid civil servants — who traditionally vote for the Left, are in the front line of those affected. Trade unions in Greece, Spain and Portugal are now actively opposed to the policies adopted by their governments, and this will not only undermine support for left-wing parties, but could also contribute to a disaffection with politics in general, which will result in lower voter turnouts and an increasing mistrust of government in underprivileged sections of the population.

Keynesianism is back

And let's not forget that political apathy of this kind could lead to a growing protest vote for extremists, especially far-right parties, who target easily identifiable scapegoats, for example immigrant communities — a trend which in exceptional circumstances could even lead to violence. Finally, it will likely reinforce the widespread sentiment that there no longer any difference between the left and the right. At a time when the radical left, which is intensifying its critique of capitalism, has accused it of betraying the interests of its supporters, the reformist left will have to clarify its position on four essential issues which are the main focus of debate in left-wing politics.

First and foremost, it will have to clarify its stance on social and economic policy. The Third Way advocated by Tony Blair in the 1990s heralded a partial assimilation of economic liberalism combined with a will to take advantage of the opportunities offered by globalisation but tempered by a drive to limit the damage to the social fabric that globalisation also engenders. More recently, we have seen the emergence of a trend towards realignment with Keynesianism and the increased intervention of government in the economy — and this is also true of the British Labour party — and at the same time, the goals of sustainable development and the establishment of a green economy have been accepted by virtually all left-wing parties.

Europe a bone of contention

However, this consensus is troubled by a number of divergences, in particular with regard to monetarist policy, with some on the left arguing for sustained public spending to relaunch investment and economic growth, while others have accepted the need for austerity but want to raise taxes on high incomes and financial transactions to fund social measures. The exact nature of these social measures is currently the subject of a debate between the proponents of policies that aim to provide sustained support for the least well-off members of society — along the lines of the "care" policy advocated by the Secretary of the French Socialist Party, Martine Aubry — and those who prefer to provide their fellow citizens with resources that will encourage more personal initiative and development.

The third bone of contention is the issue of Europe, which is increasingly taken to task by critics who claim that it is no longer relevant or effective. The left is divided between an influential minority that wants to prioritise national interests, and the proponents of a real European political power with the capacity to steer the economy, coordinate fiscal and social policy, and regulate competition between member states. Finally, at a time when democracy may be under threat, the left intends to restore confidence in the nature of political process. Exactly how this goal will be achieved is once again the subject of a debate between the advocates of a revitalisation of classical representative democracy and those who wish to explore options offered by participatory democracy.

Italian left mired in compromise

So is the reformist Left divided? Yes, it is. But the negative effect of public exposure of these controversies will be limited if they quickly give rise to original proposals and initiatives that constructively address the major social and economic challenges now faced by our societies. At the same time, nothing can be worse than terrible silence of the Italian Democratic Party (PD), which is all the more extraordinary when we consider that it was founded with the goal of bridging a divide, which is not just between the left and right, but between different reformist sensibilities and a wide range of conservative approaches.

That idea has now been lost in an exhausting battle waged by oligarchs determined to hold on to positions of power. The PD has become mired in compromise in a hopeless attempt to avoid antagonising centrist and right-wing members within its ranks. But what has become of the Italian left, which has not only lost its political power, but also the inventive spirit of the 1960s and 1970s, which, in seeking to establish a common platform for the Italian Communist Party, the Italian Socialist Party and the trade unions, inspired left-wing parties all across Europe?